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세상논란거리/국제

美언론 "尹, 너무 빨리 미국에 짐됐다"..尹 지지율 급락 주목

by 체커 2022. 7. 30.
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다음

 

네이버

 

미 안보지 "韓 진보 정권 교체되면, 美 한반도 비상계획 준비해야"
블룸버그 "尹, 지지율 회복 못하면 한미 관계·국제적 위상 등 훼손"

29일(현지시간) 미국 안보전문지 내셔널인터레스트 '코리아 와치' 헤드라인. (내셔널인터레스트 화면 갈무리) 2022.07.20 ⓒ 뉴스1

(서울=뉴스1) 정윤미 기자 = 최근 윤석열 대통령 지지율이 취임 두 달여 만에 처음으로 20%대로 곤두박질친 가운데 미국 언론들이 윤 대통령 지지율 하락에 대해 주목했다.

미 안보전문지 내셔널인터레스트는 29일(현지시간) '조 바이든 미국 대통령이 인기 없는 한국의 대통령을 자신으로부터 구할 수 있을까?'라는 제목의 기사에서 "윤 대통령은 너무 빨리 미국에 짐(liability)이 되고 있다"며 "미국은 잠재적으로 불리한 외교 정책 결과에 기인해 한국 대통령 지지율 하락에 경각심을 가져야 한다"고 밝혔다.

매체는 윤 대통령 지지율 하락의 가장 큰 이유는 그가 검찰을 위한 '검찰 정부'를 만들어왔기 때문이라고 분석했다. 전직 검찰총장으로서 대통령 임명권을 남용해 대통령 집무실, 통일부, 국가보훈처, 금융감독원 등 정부 고위직에 전문성, 역량 등이 없는 전현직 검사들을 대거 기용했다는 것이다.

뿐만 아니라 윤 대통령의 국정 수행 능력과 자질에 대해서도 의문을 제기했다. 그러면서 북한 미사일 도발 다음날 나온 음주 의혹, 신종 코로나바이러스 감염증(코로나19) 비상대책회의 대신 머드 축제 참석, 북대서양조약기구(NATO·나토) 출장에 부인 친구 동행 등을 나열했다.

매체는 "윤 대통령이 국민과 군(軍) 등 두 집단으로부터 지지율을 회복하지 못한다면 정치적 정당성에 도전받을 수 있다"며 "두 단체가 그를 향한 도전에 성공할 경우 미국은 국가 안보 이익에 필수적인 한반도 평화 유지 방안에 대한 비상계획을 준비해야 한다"고 말했다.

이어 "국민들이 거리로 나와 윤 대통령의 잘못에 대해 항의하면 정권 교체가 일어날 가능성이 커져 진보 대통령이 한국의 백악관을 점거하게 될 것"이라며 "진보 대통령은 북한, 중국과 안보 조건을 협상하려 들 것이지만 역사적 적대감 때문에 일본과 군사동맹을 맺는 데는 주저할 것"이라고 했다.

아울러 "군이 반란에 성공할 경우 관직에 있는 모든 검사가 군인으로 교체되는 군사정권이 들어설 가능성이 높다"며 "새 군사정권의 안보 이익은 미국의 이익과 겹치겠지만 바이든 대통령은 한국의 군사 독재정권을 지지할 것인가를 두고 난처한 입장에 처하게 될 것"이라고 전망했다.

27일(현지시간) 미국 블룸버그통신에 게재된 '경찰과 불화, 한국 대통령 초기 어려움을 가중한다'는 제목의 기사. (블룸버그통신 화면 갈무리) 2022.07.27 ⓒ 뉴스1

이틀 전(27일) 블룸버그통신도 윤 대통령의 지지율이 임기 두달새 급락했다며 그가 인플레이션(물가상승), 코로나19, 역대 최저 지지율과 고군분투하고 있는 가운데 최근에는 경찰국 신설을 두고 경찰관들과 대립하고 있다고 지적했다.

이 밖에도 정부 인사 문제, 노동계 파업, 여야 갈등, 이준석 국민의힘 당대표 자격정지 상태, 권성동 당대표 권한대행과의 문자메시지 파동 등을 열거하며 "윤 대통령은 험난한 정치적 밀월을 맞이하고 있다"고 밝혔다.

통신은 미 민간 연구·개발기관 랜드코퍼레이션 정책 전문가 수김를 인용해 "국민들이 원하는 것은 윤 정부가 낮은 지지율에 더욱 민감하게 반응해 국정 운영에 필요한 조정을 하는 것"이라고 전했다.

이어 만약 윤 정부가 변화를 주지 않는다면 미국과의 관계 회복, 러시아의 우크라이나 침공으로 중요성이 부각된 국제사회에서 한국의 국제적 위상 등을 제고하기 위해 그가 해온 진전들이 훼손될 수 있다고 우려했다.

한편 한국갤럽이 지난 26~28일 전국 18세 이상 성인 남녀 1000명 대상으로 실시한 여론 조사에서 윤 대통령의 국정수행에 대해 '잘하고 있다' 28%, '잘못하고 있다' 62%로 각각 집계됐다. 오차범위 95%·신뢰수준 ±3.1%포인트(P).

younme@news1.kr


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계속 회자되고 있는 두개의 외국 언론사 뉴스입니다. 내셔널인터레스트.. 그리고 블룸버그군요..

 

참고링크 : Can Biden Save South Korea’s Unpopular President From Himself?

On March 9, Yoon Suk-yeol, the Conservative Party’s candidate, was elected as the thirteenth president of South Korea with the closest margin in the country’s history. He won 48.56 percent of the vote, while the opposition candidate received 47.83 percent. In his inauguration speech, he promised to promote liberal democracy—“the government of the people, by the people, for the people.” However, he quickly failed to fulfill his promise. According to a Korean Gallup survey, his approval rating fell to 32 percent in the second week of July.

This occurred only two months after his inauguration; no other president has ever performed worse than Yoon so quickly. On the one hand, Washington should be alarmed by the unpopularity of the South Korean president due to its potentially unfavorable foreign policy implications. On the other hand, Washington should not be concerned about Yoon’s low approval rating as long as he tries to make his best effort to do better by listening to the people’s voices. However, thus far, Yoon has dismissed the problem, reportedly saying that “the low approval rating means nothing to me.” Yoon appears not to comprehend the fundamentals of democracy because his only job experience was prosecuting criminals for twenty-seven years. He performed well in his unelected position by sorting out bad guys from good ones. However, this black-and-white thinking does not work well in a democracy where he must compromise and cooperate in response to people’s voices and approval. He must understand that his low approval rating can drastically undermine his political legitimacy to rule the country. Two groups—the people and the military—might challenge Yoon’s political legitimacy if he cannot save himself from the abyss of disapproval. In case these two groups successfully challenge him, Washington must prepare a contingency plan of how to preserve peace on the Korean Peninsula, a location that is vital to America’s security interests.

If the people take to the streets to protest Yoon’s wrongdoings, a power transition is likely to occur, and thus a progressive president will occupy the Korean White House. The consequence will be a dramatic shift in Korean foreign policy. A progressive president will try to negotiate security terms with North Korea and China but hesitate to make a military alliance with Japan due to historical antagonism. The chances are that the people will confront Yoon since the majority perceive him to have become an illegitimate leader. A Korean Gallup survey shows that negative views of Yoon gained more ground every week and exceeded more than 50 percent in mid-July. On July 18, a survey by Realmeter, which predicted the 2022 presidential election more accurately than the other polling companies, revealed that 63.3 percent of respondents rated him negatively.

The primary reason for the fallen approval rating is that Yoon has been creating a government of the prosecutors, by the prosecutors, for the prosecutors. First, many people believe that Yoon abused his appointment power to create a prosecutor-backed presidency. As a former prosecutor-general, he claims that he chose his men from the pool of elite prosecutors. However, his favoritism led him to fill major offices with former or incumbent prosecutors who have no particular skills, competence, and expertise. A few examples include the Executive Office of the President, the Department of Unification, the Department of Veterans Affairs, and the Financial Supervisory Service. Even when Yoon appointed his few secretaries with no prosecutorial experience, many people were frustrated with his choices. For example, Yoon put a professor from his alma mater in charge of the Department of Social and Education. He made this appointment despite the fact that the professor was arrested for drunk driving and violated publication ethics multiple times. He chose to ignore the uproar of many concerned citizens. Second, many people notice that Yoon is too incompetent to perform his job. On one occasion, he reportedly was too drunk to convene the National Security Council. He was supposed to respond to security concerns when North Korea fired ballistic missiles. On another occasion, he went to a mud festival when he should have held a meeting on how to tackle the increased danger of new Covid variants. On another occasion, he rode on the presidential jet with personal friends of his wife, although they had no official business accompanying him to the NATO Summit last month. He mixed his personal and professional life to make his wife happy. If the military revolts successfully, it is likely to install a military regime that replaces all prosecutors in government posts with soldiers. Although the new regime’s security interests will overlap with America’s, it will put President Joe Biden in a difficult position—whether to support a military dictatorship. In the worst-case scenario, the president must abandon one of the cornerstones of America’s grand strategy—the promotion of democracy. The chances are that the military will knock Yoon out of power because it perceives him to have strained civil-military relations. First, during his presidential campaigns, Yoon asserted that he was exempt from military obligation due to anisometropia. However, many soldiers suspect foul play, as his eye problem was diagnosed by a doctor, his high school classmate, only during the military draft period, but not during his leisure time as a semi-professional billiard ballplayer. Since many soldiers perceive Yoon as a draft dodger, they are reluctant to endorse him as the commander-in-chief. Second, many soldiers are aware that Yoon jeopardized national security when the president-elect ordered the Korean Pentagon to be emptied in twenty days without any consultation and converted it into the new Korean White House. Soldiers believe that the reason behind the building eviction was Yoon’s superstition rather than any long-term military strategy. Yoon’s impulsive office relocation has destabilized the existing defense resources and infrastructure and lowered the morale of soldiers. Third, many soldiers were infuriated when Yoon appointed a retired three-star general as his secretary of defense. Soldiers believe that, for political reasons, Yoon broke the tradition of appointing a retired four-star general to the position. Soldiers ponder that Yoon favored the three-star general because he joined Yoon’s presidential campaigns, not because the general had exceptional military knowledge and experience. More problematically, the new defense secretary started to politicize the military by replacing seasoned soldiers with his close friends, regardless of their skills, abilities, and accomplishments. Due to his misconduct, Yoon has too quickly become a liability to Washington. Biden should have a serious talk with Yoon and nudge him into not acting like a president who won a landslide victory. If Yoon refuses to listen, Biden must consider an alternate plan of how to minimize America’s security risks on the Korean Peninsula before the Korean government is toppled by its people or soldiers. Otherwise, South Korea will be out of control. Seung-Whan Choi teaches International Relations and Korean politics at the University of Illinois at Chicago. A retired Army officer, he is the author of several books, including Emerging Security Challenges: American Jihad, Terrorism, Civil War, and Human Rights (Santa Barbara: Praeger).

3월 9일 대한민국의 제13대 대통령에 보수당 윤석열 후보가 역대 최다 격차로 당선됐다. 그는 48.56%의 득표율을 얻었고 야당 후보는 47.83%를 얻었다. 그는 취임사에서 “국민의, 국민에 의한, 국민을 위한 정부”인 자유민주주의를 추진하겠다고 약속했습니다. 그러나 그는 곧 약속을 지키지 못했습니다. 한국갤럽 조사에 따르면 그의 지지율은 7월 둘째 주에 32%까지 떨어졌다.

이것은 그가 취임한 지 두 달 만에 일어난 일입니다. 다른 어떤 대통령도 윤보다 더 빨리 성과를 낸 적이 없습니다. 한편으로, 워싱턴은 잠재적으로 불리한 외교 정책적 함의로 인해 한국 대통령의 인기가 없다는 사실에 경악해야 합니다. 반면에 워싱턴은 윤 의원이 국민의 목소리에 귀를 기울이며 최선을 다하는 한 지지율이 낮다고 걱정할 필요가 없다. 그러나 지금까지 윤 의원은 “낮은 지지율은 나에게 아무 의미가 없다”며 문제를 일축한 것으로 전해졌다. 윤씨는 27년 동안 범죄수사 경력밖에 없었기 때문에 민주주의의 기본을 이해하지 못하는 것 같다. 그는 좋은 사람에서 나쁜 사람을 분류하여 선출되지 않은 위치에서 잘 수행했습니다. 그러나 이런 흑백논리는 국민의 목소리와 인정에 타협하고 협력해야 하는 민주주의에서는 잘 통하지 않는다. 그는 낮은 지지율이 국가를 통치할 정치적 정당성을 크게 훼손할 수 있음을 이해해야 합니다. 민중과 군대라는 두 집단이 윤씨가 부정의 심연에서 자신을 구할 수 없다면 정치적 정당성에 도전할 수도 있다. 이 두 그룹이 그에게 성공적으로 도전할 경우, 미국은 미국의 안보 이익에 필수적인 한반도의 평화를 보존하는 방법에 대한 비상 계획을 준비해야 합니다.

민중이 윤씨의 잘못에 항의하기 위해 거리로 나선다면 권력 이양이 일어날 가능성이 있어 진보적인 대통령이 한국의 백악관을 차지하게 될 것이다. 그 결과 한국의 외교 정책에 극적인 변화가 일어날 것입니다. 진보적인 대통령은 북한, 중국과 안보 조건을 협상하려 하지만 역사적 적대감으로 인해 일본과의 군사동맹을 주저할 것이다. 대다수가 윤씨를 사악한 지도자로 인식하고 있기 때문에 민중이 윤씨와 대결할 가능성이 있다. 한국 갤럽 조사에 따르면 윤씨에 대한 부정적인 견해는 매주 더 커져 7월 중순에 50%를 넘었습니다. 7월 18일 리얼미터가 다른 여론조사업체보다 2022년 대선을 더 정확하게 예측한 설문조사에 따르면, 응답자의 63.3%가 그를 부정적으로 평가한 것으로 나타났다.

지지율 하락의 가장 큰 원인은 윤 총장이 검찰의, 검찰에 의한, 검찰을 위한 정부를 만들어왔기 때문이다. 첫째, 윤씨가 검찰이 뒷받침하는 대통령직을 만들기 위해 임명권을 남용했다는 의혹이 많다. 전직 검찰총장으로서 그는 엘리트 검사들 중에서 부하들을 뽑았다고 주장한다. 그러나 그의 편애로 인해 그는 특정 기술, 능력 및 전문 지식이없는 전 또는 현직 검사로 주요 공직을 채우게되었습니다. 대통령비서실, 통일부, 보훈처, 금융감독원 등을 예로 들 수 있다. 윤씨가 검찰 경험이 없는 소수의 비서를 임명했을 때도 많은 사람들이 그의 선택에 좌절했다. 예를 들어 윤씨는 모교의 교수를 사회교육과에 맡겼다. 그는 교수가 음주 운전으로 체포되고 출판 윤리를 여러 번 위반했음에도 불구하고 임명했습니다. 그는 우려하는 많은 시민들의 소란을 무시하기로 결정했습니다. 둘째, 많은 사람들은 윤이 자신의 일을 수행하기에 너무 무능하다는 것을 알아차립니다. 한 번은 술에 취해 국가안보회의를 소집하지 못했다고 한다. 그는 북한이 탄도 미사일을 발사했을 때 보안 문제에 대응해야 했습니다. 또 다른 경우에 그는 새로운 Covid 변종의 위험 증가에 대처하는 방법에 대한 회의를 개최해야 할 때 진흙 축제에 갔다. 또 다른 경우에 그는 아내의 개인적인 친구들과 함께 대통령 전용기를 탔지만, 그들은 지난 달 나토 정상 회담에 그를 동반한 공식적인 업무가 없었습니다. 그는 아내를 행복하게 만들기 위해 개인 생활과 직업 생활을 혼합했습니다. 군부가 반란에 성공하면 관공서의 모든 검사를 군인으로 교체하는 군사정권이 수립될 가능성이 높다. 새 정권의 안보 이익이 미국의 안보 이익과 겹치더라도 조 바이든 대통령은 군사 독재를 지지할지 여부를 결정하기 어려운 위치에 놓이게 될 것입니다. 최악의 경우 대통령은 미국의 초석 중 하나를 포기해야 한다.

대전략 - 민주주의의 증진. 군은 윤씨가 민·군 관계에 팽팽한 관계를 갖고 있다고 인식해 권력을 박탈할 가능성이 있다. 첫째, 윤 후보는 대선 당시 부정사시로 병역 면제를 주장했다. 그러나 고교 동창인 의사로부터 징집 기간에만 안과 진단을 받았고 준프로 당구 선수로서 여가 시간에는 그렇지 않아 많은 군인들이 반칙을 의심하고 있다. 많은 병사들이 윤씨를 징집기피자로 인식하기 때문에 그를 총사령관으로 인정하기를 꺼린다. 둘째, 윤 당선인이 아무런 협의도 없이 20일 만에 국방부를 비우라고 지시하고 새로운 한국 백악관으로 개조하면서 윤씨가 국가 안보를 위협했다는 사실을 많은 군인들이 알고 있다. 군인들은 건물 철거의 원인이 장기적인 군사 전략이 아니라 윤씨의 미신이라고 믿고 있다. 윤씨의 충동적인 사옥 이전은 기존의 국방 자원과 기반 시설을 불안정하게 만들고 병사들의 사기를 떨어뜨렸다. 셋째, 윤이 퇴역한 삼성장군을 국방장관으로 임명하자 많은 병사들이 분노했다. 군인들은 정치적인 이유로 윤이 퇴역한 4성 장군을 그 자리에 임명하는 전통을 깨뜨렸다고 생각합니다. 군인들은 윤 장군이 뛰어난 군사 지식과 경험을 갖고 있기 때문이 아니라 윤 대통령의 대선 캠페인에 참여했기 때문에 윤이 삼성 장군을 선호했다고 생각한다. 더 문제는 신임 국방장관이 기량, 능력, 업적에 상관없이 노련한 군인들을 친한 친구로 교체하는 방식으로 군을 정치화하기 시작했다는 점이다. 그의 위법 행위로 인해 윤은 너무 빨리 워싱턴에 책임이되었습니다. 바이든은 윤씨와 진지한 대화를 나누며 압승을 거둔 대통령처럼 행동하지 말라고 촉구해야 한다. 윤 장관이 귀를 기울이지 않는다면 바이든 전 부통령은 한국 정부가 국민이나 군인에 의해 무너지기 전에 한반도에서 미국의 안보 위험을 최소화하는 대안을 고려해야 합니다. 그렇지 않으면 한국은 통제 불능 상태가 될 것입니다.

참고뉴스 : Feud With Police Adds to South Korea President’s Early Struggles

South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol was already struggling with surging inflation, rising Covid cases and historically low approval numbers. Then, he launched into a potentially explosive feud with the nation’s police force. Yoon spent Tuesday defending his proposal to create a “police bureau” and assume greater control over the powerful law enforcement agency, a move that has prompted protests by senior officers. As his interior minister attempted to walk back comments comparing the demonstration to a “military coup,” Yoon accused the officers of a lesser offense, saying they may have displayed a “serious breach” of discipline.

The dust-up with the police is just the latest controversy to consume Yoon’s administration since his narrow election victory in March. After his struggles to relocate the presidential offices and follow through on a pledge to close the Gender Equality Ministry, the conservative-backed administration has seen its approval rating sink below 40% after two months in office -- the first time that’s happened for an elected South Korean president in a tracking poll by Realmeter. The poll numbers, which have fallen more since then, have raised doubts about whether Yoon can recover. While he spends precious political capital over reforms, he’s facing increasing public anger over inflation and runaway urban real estate prices. “Yoon’s government is fighting needless battles as opposed to fighting some of the real problems of the country, such as the surges in the inflation rate and coronavirus cases,” said Lee Junhan, a political science professor at the Incheon National University, said.

South Korea’s cabinet passed a measure Tuesday endorsing the establishment of what would be known as a police bureau, in which the government’s Interior Ministry would oversee aspects of the law enforcement agency. Scores of senior police officers have protested the move, claiming it would compromise their neutrality and hearkens back to the days of dictators. The move hits on a sensitive subject for a country that last saw a coup in 1979 and restructured its government in the late 1980s to remove vestiges of authoritarian rule. Interior Minister Lee Sang-min on Monday compared the police protest to the 1979 coup, only to later clarify that he “wouldn’t call the move a rebellion.” The next day, Yoon reiterated criticism of the police, saying any breaches of discipline would be dealt with accordingly. “Like many, I am also deeply concerned about the collective protest of the police chiefs,” he told reporters. Yoon has faced a bumpy political honeymoon. After making a name for himself by prosecuting government officials for graft, Yoon faced criticism for appointing people to his new government who faced similar allegations. Strikes that unfolded in the trucking and shipping sectors stoked worries about the export-driven economy. On top of that, the opposition camp holds a majority in parliament large enough to override a veto and has shown little willingness to seek compromise with a damaged leader. Yoon’s People Power Party is now embroiled in internal squabbles, with its leader Lee Jun-seok being suspended for six months in an alleged sex scandal, which Lee claims was a political set up by Yoon’s inner circles. Adding to the tension within the party, texts from the acting chairman to Yoon were caught by media cameras, where the two appeared to be exchanging messages showing their pleasure with the change in leadership. The presidential office on Wednesday said it would be “inappropriate” to read too much into Yoon’s text messages.

“What the public wants at this point is the Yoon administration becoming more sensitized and responsive to the low approval ratings -- take the feedback and make the necessary adjustments to state management,” said Soo Kim, a policy analyst with the Rand Corp. who previously worked at the Central Intelligence Agency. If Yoon doesn’t make changes, Soo said it could undermine progress he has made to restore frayed ties with the US and raise South Korea’s stature in international groupings such as NATO, which have taken on greater importance due to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

“A weak domestic position is likely to set Yoon up for an unimpressive performance on the international front, making it all the more critical for the South Korean president to take the early criticisms seriously as an urgent call for improvement and rebound,” she said. Meanwhile, South Korea has been among the nations most exposed to global inflationary pressure and Fed policy tightening. Its trade deficits have been snowballing on rising energy and commodity prices while capital outflows have weakened the won to the lowest level since the global financial crisis. Inflation hit 6% in June, its strongest reading since late 1998. The won has been Asia’s worst performer after the yen this year, making imports more expensive for households and manufacturers. Yoon has been seeking moves for stability in the housing market. His government has rolled out plans to cut corporate and income taxes, seeing the measures as spurring growth and helping those hurt by inflation. His government plans to submit legislation on this in early September. But the opposition Democratic Party has shown more support for measures to keep prices lower for those hard hit by inflation that could include subsidies. One level for Yoon will be a support rate that nears 20% -- considered a danger zone for leadership. “If it’s under 20%, even the ruling party also usually distances itself from the presidential office,” said Shin Yul, a political science professor at Myongji University in Seoul. “This ultimately weakens the driving power of the president’s in terms of policies.”

한국의 윤석열 대통령은 이미 치솟는 인플레이션, 증가하는 코로나19 사례, 역사적으로 낮은 승인 숫자로 어려움을 겪고 있었습니다. 그런 다음 그는 국가 경찰과 잠재적으로 폭발적인 불화를 시작했습니다. 윤 대통령은 화요일에 “경찰국”을 만들고 강력한 법 집행 기관을 더 많이 통제하자는 제안을 옹호하는 데 보냈다. 내무장관이 시위를 '군사 쿠데타'에 비유한 발언을 일축하려 하자, 윤 대통령은 장교들이 규율을 '심각한 위반'했을 수 있다고 비난했다.

경찰과의 말다툼은 지난 3월 대선에서 가까스로 승리한 윤 후보의 행정부를 집어삼킨 가장 최근의 논란일 뿐이다. 청와대 이전과 여성부 폐쇄 공약을 이행하기 위해 고군분투한 보수주의 지원을 받는 행정부가 집권 2개월 만에 지지율이 40% 아래로 떨어지는 것을 목격했다. Realmeter의 추적 조사에서 한국 대통령. 이후 더욱 하락한 여론조사 결과 윤씨가 회복할 수 있을지에 대한 의문이 제기되고 있다. 그는 개혁을 위해 귀중한 정치 자본을 지출하지만 인플레이션과 폭주하는 도시 부동산 가격에 대한 대중의 분노가 증가하고 있습니다. 이준한 인천대학교 정치외교학과 교수는 “윤 정부는 물가상승률 급증, 코로나19 확진자와 같은 국가의 실제 문제와 싸우기보다 불필요한 싸움을 하고 있다”고 말했다.

한국 내각은 화요일 정부 내무부가 법 집행 기관의 여러 측면을 감독하는 경찰국으로 알려진 기관의 설립을 승인하는 법안을 통과시켰습니다. 수십 명의 고위 경찰관들이 중립성을 훼손하고 독재자의 시대로 돌아가게 될 것이라고 주장하며 이러한 움직임에 항의했습니다. 이번 조치는 1979년에 마지막으로 쿠데타를 일으켰고 1980년대 후반 독재 통치의 흔적을 제거하기 위해 정부를 재편한 국가의 민감한 주제에 타격을 입힙니다. 이상민 내무부 장관은 월요일 경찰의 시위를 1979년 쿠데타에 비유했다가 나중에 “반란이라고 부르지 않을 것”이라고 해명했다. 다음날 윤씨는 규율을 어기면 그에 따라 엄중히 대처하겠다고 경찰에 대해 거듭 비판했다. 그는 기자들에게 "많은 사람들과 마찬가지로 나도 경찰서장의 집단 시위에 대해 깊이 우려하고 있다"고 말했다. 윤씨는 우여곡절이 많은 정치적 허니문을 맞았다. 정부 관료들을 뇌물수수 혐의로 입건해 이름을 알린 윤 의원은 비슷한 혐의를 받고 있는 사람들을 새 정부에 임명했다는 비판에 직면했다. 트럭 및 해운 부문에서 전개된 파업은 수출 주도형 경제에 대한 우려를 불러일으켰습니다. 게다가, 야당은 거부권을 무효화할 만큼 충분히 많은 의회 과반수를 확보하고 있으며 손상된 지도자와 타협할 의지를 거의 보이지 않았습니다. 윤씨의 피플파워당은 현재 내부 분쟁에 휘말려 있으며, 이준석 대표는 윤 씨 내부에서 정치적인 설정이었다고 주장하는 성추문 혐의로 6개월간 자격정지 처분을 받았습니다. 여기에 당내 긴장을 가중시키고 있는 이 회장 권한대행이 윤 대표에게 보내는 문자메시지가 카메라에 포착돼 두 사람은 지도부 교체에 대한 쾌감의 메시지를 주고받는 모습이 담겼다. 수요일, 청와대는 윤씨의 문자 메시지를 너무 많이 읽는 것은 "부적절하다"고 말했다.

랜드 코퍼레이션의 김수 정책 분석가는 "이 시점에서 대중이 원하는 것은 윤 정부가 낮은 지지율에 더욱 민감해지고 반응하는 것"이라고 말했다. 과거 중앙정보부에서 근무했다. 윤 총장이 변화를 일으키지 않으면 러시아의 우크라이나 침공으로 중요성이 커진 나토 등 국제적 그룹에서 한국의 위상을 높이고 미국과의 흐트러진 관계를 회복하기 위한 진전이 훼손될 수 있다고 수는 말했다.

그녀는 “국내의 약한 위치는 윤 대통령이 국제 전선에서 인상적인 활약을 하지 못하게 만들 가능성이 있다”며 “한국 대통령이 초기의 비판을 개선과 반등을 위한 긴급한 요구로 심각하게 받아들이는 것이 더욱 중요하다”고 말했다. 한편 한국은 글로벌 인플레이션 압력과 연준 긴축 정책에 가장 많이 노출된 국가 중 하나입니다. 에너지 및 원자재 가격 상승으로 무역 적자가 눈덩이처럼 불어났고 자본 유출로 원화가 글로벌 금융 위기 이후 최저 수준으로 떨어졌습니다. 인플레이션은 6월에 6%를 기록하여 1998년 말 이후 가장 높은 수치를 기록했습니다. 원화는 올해 아시아에서 엔화 다음으로 최악의 성과를 보여 가계와 제조업체에 수입품을 더 비싸게 만들었습니다. 윤씨는 안정을 위한 방안을 모색해 왔다.

주택 시장. 그의 정부는 이러한 조치가 성장을 촉진하고 인플레이션으로 피해를 입은 사람들을 돕는 것으로 보고 법인세 및 소득세 인하 계획을 발표했습니다. 그의 정부는 9월 초에 이에 대한 법안을 제출할 계획입니다. 그러나 야당인 민주당은 보조금을 포함할 수 있는 인플레이션으로 큰 타격을 입은 사람들을 위해 가격을 낮추는 조치에 대해 더 많은 지지를 보였습니다. 윤의 한 수준은 리더십의 위험 영역으로 간주되는 20%에 가까운 지지율이 될 것입니다. 신율 명지대학교 정치외교학과 교수는 “20% 미만이면 집권 여당도 청와대와 거리를 둔다”고 말했다. “이는 궁극적으로 대통령의 정책 추진력을 약화시키는 것입니다.”

윤석열 대통령에 대해... 두개의 보도내용 모두 보는걸 권고하고.. 위의 한국의 언론사에선 요약을 한 것이지만.. 일부 누락된 부분이 있습니다. 그래서 모두 천천히 보는게 어떨까 합니다..

 

첫번째.. 내셔널인터레스트의 보도내용중 핵심은 이부분이 될 듯 하네요..

The primary reason for the fallen approval rating is that Yoon has been creating a government of the prosecutors, by the prosecutors, for the prosecutors.

지지율 하락의 가장 큰 원인은 윤 총장이 검찰의, 검찰에 의한, 검찰을 위한 정부를 만들어왔기 때문이다.

두번째.. 블룸버그의 보도내용중에 핵심이 될 부분은 없는 것 같습니다. 내용 전체가.. 윤석열 정권에서 조직장악을 할려 하면.. 윤석열 대통령은 이에 긍정하는 메세지를 보내는 식으로 힘을 실어주고.. 이런 모습부터 전반적인 행적이 결국 윤석열 대통령의 지지율을 끌어내리고 있다는 식의 보도이기에.. 특정 문장이 요약된 건 없는듯 보이죠..

 

결국.. 내셔널인터레스트나.. 블룸버그나.. 윤석열 정권의 한국내 기관.. 경찰.. 검찰.. 장악을 의미하는 단어를 사용했습니다. 특히나 내셔널인터레스트는 검찰의.. 검찰에 의한.. 검찰을 위한 정부라고 명확히 했고요..

 

정부조직 다 원하는대로 장악하면.. 입법부를 뺀 나머지 조직을 장악하면.. 국민의 지지율은 상관없이 국정을 이끌 수 있다 생각한 거 아닐까 싶습니다. 검찰에선 그게 통했을지도 모르겠습니다. 상명하복 조직이 검찰이었으니까요.. 여차해서 대드는 인물은 지방으로 좌천시키던지.. 퇴직을 하게 만들던지 했었을지도 모르죠..

 

하지만.. 국민은 그리 쉽게 복종하진 않죠.. 심지어는 대통령까지 끌어내린 전례도 있는게 한국 국민입니다. 입법부에서 국민들이 과연 누구쪽에 지지하는지 보여준다면.. 선거등을 통해 변화된 입장을 보인다면야 바뀔지 모르겠는데.. 이는 정치물 좀 먹은 중견정치인 이상이 되어야 할 모습이지.. 그전까지 왕처럼 군림했었다 이제 막 대통령이 된 윤석열 대통령으로부터 그런 변화된 모습을 기대하는건 개인적 생각으론 불가능하지 않을까 싶습니다. 아마도.. 어떤 계기로.. 결국 목덜미 잡혀 끌려내려오는 사례가 나온다면야 변화되지 않을까 싶은데.. 그런 사례는 결국... 안나오겠죠.. 헌법에 위배되는 행위를 하지 않는 한..

 

검찰총장시절에도 법무부장관이나.. 그 위의 대통령에게 대든 전례가 있는데.. 그 위가 없는 현 상황에서 윤석열 대통령은 과연 누굴 무서워할까 싶죠..

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